There are approximately one million reasons that I can think of off the top of my head, and countless others I am not aware of, that prove that we do not, in fact live in a post-racial society. At all. Like, really.
For example: Donald Trump. Also, racism. And before you say it, yes, there is a difference between Donald Trump and racism. Mainly, racism makes up about 35-40% of Trump’s total body mass,
while Donald Trump constitutes only a tiny fraction of the world’s racists.
But racism and racialization do not occur only inside of a person; like, for instance, your great uncle from West Virginia. Instead, the root of most racial divisions and inequities can be found in systematic and institutional issues. Systematic and institutional racism don’t have a person, or group of persons, sitting behind a ~mystical curtain~ and pulling strings in the economy, healthcare systems, or education to make sure that white folks are sitting pretty at the top while folks of color, particularly black folks, are restricted in their opportunities.
Instead, systematic and institutional racism are seemingly harmless “natural” ways of doing things that have a negative impact on folks of color. This can be how the government allocates public funds, how companies choose their target markets and employees, harsher sentencing laws for drugs that are heavily associated with communities of color (the most obvious example being the difference between powder and crack cocaine; crack has much higher mandatory minimum sentences and, coincidently, is found primarily in black neighborhoods), and even what is taught in schools. Because of these systems, folks of color are unable to access the same opportunities and support as whites which leads to further exacerbation of inequality.
These ubiquitous systems can also have deadly consequences. We have all heard, of course, about the countless black and brown bodies that have been wrongly killed by police officers who interpret them as threats (another super fun example of systematic racism: the coding of people of color, particularly black and latinx, as criminals). The consequences of these systems also manifest in much less obvious, but sinister, locations.
The location I would like to focus on in this post is one of the saddest examples: infant mortality rates.
According to chapter 6 in Khiara Bridges‘ “Reproducing Race”, the infant mortality rate for Black babies is almost two-and-a-half times higher than for white babies. And, though infant mortality has declined overall since entering scientific modernity, this discrepancy has stayed the same. In the year 2000, African Americans had an infant mortality rate of 14.1 deaths per 1,000 live births; this same year, the national average was just 6.9 deaths per 1,000 live births (Bridges 107).
But why? Is there something biologically different about black folks that increases the risk of infants dying during birth? Is it an indicator of cultural inferiority? Is it because black folks are, on average, poorer than whites, or do not place as much value on healthcare? Or is it a symptom of a deeper social and political problem?
(Hint: it’s the last one)
According to a 2000 study by Fang et al., while “socioeconomic factors (such as marital status and educational achievement) were strongly correlated to maternal mortality for non-Black women, such factors had relatively little impact on the incidence of maternal mortality for Black women” (Bridges 109). This rejection of a primarily socioeconomic cause is supplemented by the work of the Institute of Medicine (IOM), a non-profit, NGO, which released a study indicating that the high incidence of poverty does not account for the trend “their being sicker and dying younger than their white complements” (Bridges 109). Instead, they found “racial and ethnic minorities receive lower quality health care than white people–even when insurance status, income, age, and severity of conditions are comparable” (IOM qtd. Bridges 110).
So, with socioeconomic variables off the table, this discrepancy in overall health and, by extension, infant mortality, must be largely or even solely race-related.
Historically, Black women have been portrayed as unnaturally strong and independent, with a much higher pain tolerance than their white compatriots. These traits were linked to an assumed inferiority of the Black race, a construction of Blackness that relied on discourses of “civilization”, where “primal” Black folks were seen as biologically and psychologically different from civilized (read: white) folks.
Black women, then, were assumed to have a certain “obstetric hardiness”, which characterizes them as “relatively unaffected by the expected pains of childbirth and labor” (Hoberman qtd. Bridges 117). As a result, they were often used for medical research and surgical experimentation.
Remnants of these beliefs can be pulled out from today’s discourses, particularly in the way that internal and systematic racism manifest in the work of doctors and physicians. Individual racism can be seen in the actions of physicians who hold conscious prejudices against folks of color when this prejudice directly informs their willingness to provide quality care. The systematic component comes in when examining the environment in which the doctor was raised and developed their ideologies (things like the racial diversity of their hometowns or schools, opinions of parents and peers, etc.), as well as what and how they are taught. Both have the effect of shaping a doctor’s opinions about a patient by race, which can lead to incorrect or negligent care.
Bridges gives a compelling example of this phenomenon, where racialized knowledges surrounding patient behavior, health, and culture are passed from doctor to doctor, generation to generation. The story concerns Dr. Rose, a retired doctor who began working at a public OB/GYN in order to “share with future generations of doctors her accumulated wisdom and passion for gynecological practice” (Bridges 122). Unfortunately, the wisdom she shared with Bridges was less than reassuring. Her stories relied heavily “cultural” knowledges that implicated folks of color as pathological, more likely to be “diseased” somehow. Other doctors at the same clinic expressed similarly warped views about culture, such as the idea that Mexican women always have easy labor and delivery (Bridges 140), or that Chinese women are more likely to abort a child due to a perceived defect (Bridges 138).
With these facts in mind, it seems clear, at least to me, that the observed racial discrepancy in infant mortality rates can be attributed largely to widespread racial biases in the medical community, which manifest in substandard care and support for pregnant Black women and result in a higher incidence of infant death.